Germany’s conservatives want to cut benefits for Ukrainians

Germany’s center-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the Christian Social Union (CSU) — currently leading in polls ahead of the election on February 23 next year — want to cut welfare benefits and get more of the country’s 5.5 million long-term unemployed into the labor market. 
They are also openly questioning whether Ukrainians should receive the standard unemployment benefit, called Bürgergeld (“citizens’ income”) rather than the lower asylum-seeker benefits. Following Russia’s full-fledged invasion of Ukraine, refugees arriving in Germany and were subject to an EU Council Directive for temporary protection in the event of a mass influx of displaced persons for whom the regular asylum procedures do not apply. They were granted temporary residency status and entitled to full social welfare benefits.
The CSU’s Stephan Stracke, social policy spokesman for the CDU/CSU’s parliamentary group, told DW that while anyone fleeing “war and violence” had a right to protection, “This does not mean, however, that there must be an automatic entitlement to the citizen’s income in Germany.” Instead, Stracke said, newly arrived Ukrainian war refugees should receive asylum-seeker benefits “at first.”
Germany is currently home to around 1.2 million Ukrainian refugees, around 530,000 of whom are classified by the Federal Employment Agency as eligible to work and entitled to citizens’ income (as of May 2024).
That means they receive an unemployment benefit of up to €563 ($596) per month plus their rent and heating costs paid by the state. There is an extra allowance for children, staggered by age, and around 360,000 of the Ukrainian refugees in Germany are children. Stracke’s proposal — for Ukrainians to receive the standard asylum seekers’ benefit instead — would mean that Ukrainians would receive only €460 per month.
The CDU’s move is part of a general planned overhaul of the Bürgergeld system if they get into power, which will include tougher sanctions for refusing work and more mandatory visits to the authorities.
The tougher comments on Ukrainian refugees are not new among German conservatives: Two years ago, CDU leader Friedrich Merz, who is predicted to head Germany’s next government questioned the Ukranians’ need for protection: “We are now experiencing a form of social tourism among these refugees: to Germany, back to Ukraine, to Germany, back to Ukraine,” Merz told the Bild TV outlet in 2022, triggering widespread outrage.
In a newly updated study, the German Institute for Employment Research (IAB) found that Germany was struggling to integrate Ukrainians into the job market, at least compared with other countries — but also that the situation was improving: Only 27% of Ukrainians in Germany had found work as of March this year, compared to 57% in Lithuania and 53% in Denmark (though that was still ahead of Ukrainians in Norway, Spain, and Finland, where only around 20% had found work). — and finding childcare and schooling has become increasingly difficult.
According to Germany’s right-wing parties, like the CDU and the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD), the high number of refugees living off social welfare is partly down to the amount of money they receive. “Germany has obviously not been particularly successful in getting Ukrainian refugees into work so far,” said Stracke. “Other European countries are doing much better. That is why we in Germany have to give more weight to the principle of supporting and challenging people to find work.”
But the IAB study also shows that the proportion of Ukrainians in work is steadily rising in all the European countries — and that there is little evidence to show that there is a correlation with the amount of state help they receive. More significant factors than benefits, the IAB said, were language barriers and demand for labor in the low-wage sector, where it is easier to find work.
Iryna Shulikina, executive director at the Berlin-based NGO Vitsche, which supports Ukrainian refugees in Germany, said Ukrainians encounter several obstacles to finding work in Germany, most notably getting through the bureaucratic process. According to the IAB, some 72% of Ukrainian refugees have either a university degree or a vocational qualification — more than other refugees or the German working population in general.
“When they come here, they face the difficulties of getting their diplomas approved here,” Shulikina said.
To name one example: Though Germany faces a shortage of medical workers, Shulikina said she had spoken to Ukrainian medical workers who needed two and a half years to get to the stage where they could work: Applying for work, getting their documents and qualifications approved, doing the necessary tests, learning the language. “It’s a real challenge,” she said.
Whether a likely CDU-led government will succeed in changing conditions for Ukrainian refugees will depend also on its coalition partners: The center-left Social Democrats (SPD) are less inclined to crack down on social welfare recipients, while leading members of the neoliberal Free Democrats (FDP), have already expressed their support for recategorizing Ukrainian war refugees — even though the party’s parliamentary group declined to state an official position to DW for this article.
Shulikina put the current political debate on the issue of Bürgergeld down to election campaigning and did not accept the argument that the citizens’ income was keeping Ukrainian refugees at home.
“All the people I know who are refugees and have anything to do with the Job Center are doing everything possible to end this relationship,” she said. “It’s very humiliating and annoying. You are very dependent, and you are not perceived as an equal part of society — you’re asked about every cent you spend and how and when. I don’t believe there are a lot of people who enjoy getting Bürgergeld.”
Lyudmyla Mlosch, chairperson of the Central Council of Ukrainians in Germany (ZVUD), said many Ukrainians she knows in Germany don’t want to be here at all. “I know a lot of people here who are dreaming of going home, but they have no home — they’ve lost everything,” said Mlosch. “Of course they need support.”
But Mlosch did admit that some Ukrainians are more desperate than others: Those from the regions in the east that are under almost continual bombardment from Russia are more in need of state help, for example, as are older or sick people, or people who have no savings. “They don’t need to all be put in the same bracket. But younger people who can work, they could have their money reduced, I could admit that,” she said.
Edited by Rina Goldenberg
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